A military coup story dating back to 1969

A military coup story dating back to 1969
by
MÜMTAZ’ER TÜRKÖNE

Süleyman Demirel was Turkey’s PM in 1969, when the nation was on the verge of a military coup, according to recently unveiled US State Department files. 

The US State Department has declassified confidential documents on developments between 1969 and 1972. Among these reports is one report from 1969 that mentions a coup attempt in Turkey. 

The document asserts that high-level military officers came together in May to threaten Parliament; Turkey almost underwent another coup that year.

The information on this document was not entirely published by Turkish dailies, which noted that Turkey was on the verge of a military coup in 1969. Back then, Süleyman Demirel was prime minister. After the news broke, Demirel told the story to a columnist, asserting that he prevented the coup by complying with the military's demands. He underlines that the military states their demands, recalling that they would initiate a coup unless their demands are fulfilled. The demands are considered accordingly and the coup is prevented. Hasan Celal Güzel, a prominent Turkish politician, made a comment on the incident via a joke published in his column in the Radikal daily. A young and pretty woman explains what she went through on a sea voyage. The captain of the vessel told her he would burn it down the if she did not have sex with him. The audience asks her, "So, what did you do?" The beautiful young replies, "I saved the vessel of course."

Coup attempt in May 1969

What happened in 1969 and why did the military attempt to stage a coup?It is not actually that secret; this is a well-known public story -- the declassified US documents made us remember the past, that's all. Let me give a brief summary of what happened and why the attempt was made.

The members of the Democrat Party (DP) are banned from involvement in political activities following the May 27, 1960 military coup. The Justice Party (AP), founded as an extension of the banned DP, makes frequent promises that it will seek to reintroduce these political rights to ensure their re-admission into politics. Elections are coming up, to be held in October of 1969. The AP asks for majority support to amend the Constitution so that the political rights of the former politicians are restored. The main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) makes a wise move to abort the AP's attack, proposing a constitutional amendment for the reintroduction of the political rights. The AP is perplexed by the offer because AP leader Demirel was not actually in favor of reinstitution of the political rights, considering that he would have to step down if the former DP members were reinstated.

The military did what Demirel had actually wanted; newspapers published reports indicating that the military was upset with the preparations for a constitutional amendment. The military views the return of the former DP figures -- former Turkish President President Celal Bayar in particular -- to political life as a challenge and a move that would be in defiance of the May 27 military coup. They tell the papers that the 1961 Constitution represents the army's honor and that they wouldn't allow such a move. The media statements are followed by an organized attempt carefully planned at military headquarters. On May 16, 1969, the army officers -- Chief of General Staff Gen. Memduh Tağmaç and the heads of the military's respective branches -- and the president meet at Çankaya Palace. The participants agree in the meeting to take measures to prevent any constitutional amendment. The decisions made at the meeting are published by newspapers, which refer to them as a military memorandum.

Background of the coup

Newspaper headlines read "Army decisive," implying that the military will seize power if the constitutional amendment is endorsed at the Senate. The CHP leader who put forward the proposal does not give up on his move, though. The Republic's number-two man, İsmet İnönü, was subjected to extreme criticism. Despite this, he did not waver in his position. Ultimately, the military tanks hit the streets on May 21, the day set for the Senate meetings where the proposal would be discussed. The coup threat thus becomes eminent. Demirel, taking into consideration that İnönü will not change his position, prevents adoption of the constitutional amendment by resorting to certain voting tricks in the senate. Now, he asserts that he deadlocked the senate to prevent a military coup.

In the background, Demirel stands behind this coup attempt. Demirel feels that he will lose the battle with İnönü, who resorts to a wise move. His rejection of the constitutional amendment will be perceived by his constituents as betrayal to the political cause; if he endorses the amendment, the former DP figures will take over and he will lose party control. Demirel uses the military to implement his plan and achieve his goals. He provokes the military, implying that adoption of the constitutional amendment will erode the military's image. Abdi İpekçi, a renowned journalist, makes mention in his column in daily Milliyet on May 21 of some AP figures who give instructions to the military. They tell the military officers to put pressure on İnönü to withdraw the proposal for constitutional amendment.

The part of this story, which features the tactical war between Demirel and İnönü, falls perfectly into the type of political realism that Machiavelli speaks of. Demirel is looking out for his own political interests by way of backstabbing the DP members whose fortunes he feeds off of. But the part which falls outside the realm of realism is that soldiers were mobilized for this affair.

Five months later, the constitutional amendment is adopted at the senate. This time, it is annulled by the Constitutional Court. The simple question that needs to be asked here to understand the backstage developments is this: Why did the military remain silent this time, while it made it clear that it would seize power if the amendment was endorsed by the senate five months ago? There is only one answer to this question: Nothing has changed except Demirel's political considerations and priorities. General elections have been held, DP figures did not make it to the party lists; in other words, Demirel is relieved. Following this incident, the former DP figures decided to leave the AP to form a new party under the presidency of Ferruh Bozbeyli.

A detailed review of this case will shed light on Turkey's history of coups. The documents declassified by the US State Department include a CIA report on developments following the March 12, 1971 military coup. The report states that the military will preserve their position as the final decision-making authority. The coup attempt in May 1969 shows that this conclusion is not that correct. It seems that the military reserves the final word, but in reality, there is always someone who makes them say the final word. Demirel is the one who played the influential role in the 1969 coup attempt.

It is possible to make the same argument in regard to the postmodern military coup on Feb. 28, 1997. Demirel was president this time, 28 years after the incident. He now asserts that he softened the content of the military memo and warning on Feb. 28 and prevented more influential military involvement. No single person from the military wing of the Feb. 28 process has made any statement. It is obvious that this postmodern coup was planned and plotted by a broad coalition who persuaded the military to take action. Coincidentally, this time as well, Demirel appears to be the main actor in the action.

Turkey's history of coups is not limited to the military's attempts to seize political power. Unprincipled politicians seek help from the military in their troubled times. They achieve their political goals by provoking the military establishment.